16.3Opinion of the Court of Appeal
Assuming that the actual conduct charged can be proven, the Court of Appeal will assess below whether the required nexus with the armed conflict exists.
In the context of the nature of the armed conflict (see chapter 15), it has already been established that there was an armed struggle between the troops of the Afghan government and the Mujahideen. As mentioned above, the Court of Appeal thus follows previous case law, in particular the cases concerning the prosecution of officials of the (military) KhAD in (largely) the same period. The armed struggle with the Mujahideen forms therefore the starting point in establishing the existence of a nexus.
The allegations brought against the accused - in brief - pertain to the treatment of political prisoners in (inter alia) blocks 1, 2 and 3 of Pul-e-Charkhi prison. The question to be answered is whether the armed conflict played a substantial role in the conduct charged to the accused, if proven. In this respect, the Court of Appeal will consider both the role and position of the accused in Pul-e-Charkhi prison and the persons of the victims, all this insofar as relevant findings can be made on these points on the basis of the case file and the proceedings at the hearing.
Role and position of the accused
The accused, a member of the PDPA, worked for the KhAD, the security/intelligence service in Afghanistan, during the period to which the charges pertain. The task of the KhAD, as considered above, was to ensure the survival of communist rule and internal security in Afghanistan. To this end, eliminating opposition networks was deemed necessary.
In addition to the civilian KhAD, there was a military intelligence service called the KhAD-e Nezami. This military KhAD formally operated under the ministry of defence. Initially the (civilian) KhAD fell under the ministry of the interior but became an entirely independent directorate-general under the President's Office in 1980. The KhAD also carried out military tasks, such as guarding key military positions and monitoring potential desertion and establishing special battalions to combat resistance. When the KhAD became a separate ministry (WAD) in 1986, both the civilian and military KhAD were incorporated into it.
The KhAD had virtually unlimited powers in detecting enemies of the communist regime, making the service greatly feared by the Afghan population. This fear was partly fuelled by the KhAD's very broad interpretation of the term 'enemy of the communist regime'. Often, a vague suspicion that someone held anti-government views or engaged in anti-government activities was enough to carry out an arrest.
Opponents of the regime were arrested by the KhAD, mostly first taken to the KhAD's detention and interrogation centres in Kabul (called Shashdarak and Sedarat) and then these political prisoners were transferred to Pul-e-Charkhi prison just outside Kabul. Pul-e-Charkhi consisted of several departments, for which responsibility was shared between the ministry of the interior and the KhAD. According to witnesses, the KhAD was responsible for political prisoners while the ministry of the interior was responsible for those detained for common offences.
Regarding the accused's position within Pul-e-Charkhi prison, the following applies. Since there is no information in the case file in the form of (for instance) documents from which the position and task description of the accused can be derived, the Court of Appeal can only rely on the statements of witnesses. Several witnesses referred to the accused as ‘head of political affairs’, and witness statements also reveal that the accused held another position at some point, referred to by witnesses as ‘general commander’. The witnesses describe these positions in various ways. The statements neither provide any clear indication of whether a military structure was in place in the prison. They do reveal that the accused was addressed as 'lieutenant colonel' but other military ranks are also mentioned. As to whether the accused wore a uniform, statements differ.
As the above shows, the KhAD was a security/intelligence service with initially a civilian and a military branch with very far-reaching powers. Based on the foregoing, it cannot be established that the accused, falling under the KhAD, was part of the military apparatus, as argued by the Public Prosecution Service. It cannot be established that it was a strictly military organisation, neither when it comes to involvement in Pul-e-Charkhi prison. The information available does not show that the military branch was specifically responsible for this.
Since the exact position of the accused cannot be established, and therefore it also cannot be established whether the actions - if proven - were carried out in the performance thereof, the Court of Appeal, unlike the Public Prosecution Service, is of the opinion that the accused's position alone is insufficient to establish a nexus between the offences charged and the armed conflict.
The victims
Some of the political prisoners ended up in Pul-e-Charkhi prison immediately after the coup against Amin (27 December 1979), others in the period that followed. The reasons stated for detention varied. Some of the political prisoners in the indictment belonged to the Amin family or more generally to the Khalq faction of the ruling party PDPA and appear to have been imprisoned as part of the purge within the ruling party.
Other political prisoners named in the indictment were seen as political opponents for a variety of reasons. The common denominator was that they were - for whatever reason - opponents of the regime. It was often sufficient for an arrest that someone held anti-government views or engaged in anti-government activities. However, the case file does not show that the persons mentioned in the indictment were Mujahideen in the sense that they belonged to the militant group designated as such, nor does it show that they were all associated with it, as argued by the Public Prosecution Service. The few statements cited in this context remain isolated, coming from an insider witness who either does not know the situation in Pul-e-Charkhi and - also according to the Public Prosecution Service - makes politically charged statements, and from an insider witness whom the Public Prosecution Service rightly deemed unreliable in the closing argument.
Insofar as a number of victim witnesses have stated that they were told as prisoners that they allegedly had ties with the United States, Pakistan and/or the CIA - as the case may may be - that mere fact is insufficient to establish the close connection between the armed conflict and the conduct required for the nexus. In so doing, the Court of Appeal considers that it can be seen from the context report that in the relevant period geopolitical considerations played a role in the establishment and political course of the Karmal regime. Here, the political spheres of influence of the Soviet Union on the one hand and the United States (including the CIA) and Pakistan on the other hand opposed each other, and these countries and their (alleged) supporters were considered political opponents. Alleged attempts by Amin at rapprochement with the US and Pakistan were a direct reason for Soviet intervention and the establishment of the Karmal regime. It can be deduced from this that the allegation of having ties with any of these countries (and/or their intelligence services) does not in itself indicate a connection with the armed conflict between the Afghan government and the Mujahideen. Based on the evidence, it cannot be established whether the fact that these countries might also support the Mujahideen against the geopolitical background outlined was a factor that played a role in the actions charged.
Moreover, the Court of Appeal has also been unable to establish sufficiently what significance the ongoing struggle with the Mujahideen had for the detention of the political prisoners. It should be borne in mind that the armed conflict with the Mujahideen was already ongoing before Karmal came to power in December 1979. While the conflict intensified with the entry of the Soviet Union onto the battlefield, the aspirations of the Mujahideen remained the same: this group of resistance fighters violently defended Islam and fought for Afghan values against communism, as they had been doing since the Saur revolution in April 1978. Moreover, the armed struggle continued after the departure of the Soviet troops in 1989.
It cannot be said either that the existence of an armed conflict played a substantial role in the treatment of the political prisoners. Insofar as can be established with regard to the purpose of the treatment, it was to propagate the ideas and views of the communist ruling party, i.e. re-education.
Unlike the District Court, the Court of Appeal does not see the fact that the political prisoners were opponents of the regime as grounds to establish a connection with the armed conflict. The starting point being the scope of the conflict as determined by the nature of the conflict. Including the broader political struggle that was ongoing in Afghanistan for the purpose of determining the nexus disregards the exceptional and restrictive nature of the law governing war crimes - as outlined above.
Finally, the Court of Appeal considers that the indictment mentions: and/or one or more others, who were detained (as political prisoners) in (
inter alia) block(s) 1, 2 and 3 of Pul-e-Charkhi prison (italics Court of Appeal). Insofar as the allegation here pertains to prisoners other than political prisoners in blocks 1, 2 and 3 as well, the Court of Appeal cannot establish a nexus in respect of them either on the basis of the case file.
Conclusion
On the basis of the evidence, the Court of Appeal cannot establish that the existence of the armed conflict in this case played a substantial role in the accused's decision - if proven - to commit the actual conduct charged, his ability to do so, the manner or purpose of doing so. Although the victims were non-combatants,
it is unclear to what extent the charges may have been committed in the exercise of the accused's position; he was not a combatant; there is no evidence that he held a military position; the victims did not belong to the adversary in the armed conflict; and it cannot be said that the conduct served the ultimate purpose of the military campaign.
Given this context, the Court of Appeal will not further discuss the other requirements for war crimes as outlined under 13.3.
In conclusion, it cannot be established that there is a nexus between the accused's charged conduct and the armed conflict.
This means that these actions - if proven - do not constitute a violation of the laws and customs of war, as charged. For this reason, the accused should be acquitted.
For the sake of completeness, the Court of Appeal emphasises that the Court of Appeal's jurisdiction in this case is limited to assessing the charged conduct insofar as it pertains to a war crime. As this is not the case in the opinion of the Court of Appeal - due to the absence of a nexus - the Court of Appeal is not in a position to assess the question as to whether the accused was guilty of the actual conduct mentioned in the indictment.
This also implies that the detention conditions in Pul-e-Charkhi prison, described in the introduction as appalling and inhuman will not be discussed further in this judgment, without diminishing how witnesses experienced them according to their statements.